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Saurabh Kumar Shahi visits McLeodganj to check out the simmering powder keg that threatens the Dalai Lama's 'middle path'
The first thing that strikes you in McLeodganj is the absence of anarchy. Nattily dressed Tibetan youth go about their work. There is no apparent abject poverty, no running open drains. Why then were we looking for McLeodganj in the first place? Well, simply because it is the foremost phenomenon that defines a refugee settlement. I have seen scores of refugee camps of all types and sizes all over the world — Palestinians, Kashmiris, Bangaldeshi Biharis, Chakmas, Rohingyas and what not. There are of course a few similarities among these camps. However if there is one commonality: anarchy. But unlike them, McLeodganj does not fester. Or at least does not appear to fester. But does that mean all is well? We'll see.
Sometime in 2005, on a chilly Tibetan night, Jamyang and his best friend entered Lhasa after days of journeying from Ngari province. They were desperate to get to Dharamsala. Meeting the Dalai Lama was the only motive in their life. Jamyang and his friend covered the inhospitable terrain in 48 days and reached Nepal. A week later they were in Dharamsala to see their beloved spiritual leader. They were promptly enrolled in the classes and their spiritual and worldly studies began.
Half a decade on, sitting in a roadside tea joint near Bhagsu temple, Jamyang remembers the arduous journey that almost took his life. He has all the time in the world for me. He dropped out of school months ago and now lives by his wits. Jobs are extremely hard to come by in the absence of local language proficiency and a defined skill-set. And he can't go back to Tibet. For all practical purposes, he is stuck here.
Does he buy Dalai Lama's "middle path" solution? Yes, but only when he is sober enough. With Manali hash easy to find, chances of his being sober have diminished drastically. As it transpires, Mcleodganj too festers. You just need to scratch a tad.
A cursory survey is enough to reveal that the majority of the population here is made up of youth. With the advent of education, the birth rate has gone down drastically. But still the youth outnumber all other age segments quite easily. Literacy is close to 80 per cent and unemployment is 75 per cent. The place is a veritable powder keg. But it has not exploded. It appears that the Dalai Lama's "middle path" still has many takers. But does that mean that the movement will continue to be as it is? No. We have new voices.
Karma Yeshi, an MP in the Tibetan Parliament-in-exile who also runs the Voice of Tibet radio station, is one such voice. He abhors pity and speaks his mind too often for the comfort of others. "There is a lack of guidance as far as the job market is concerned. Only rallies won’t do." He suggests several ways to change the movement. Many of these are reasonable. "Do we have a single Tibetan expert here who has done higher studies in Chinese diplomacy or UN diplomacy? None. How do we expect to have our voices heard? Where is the intellectual capital?" he asks.
People like Yeshi and others worry about the future of the movement. While Tibetans idolise and revere the Dalai Lama, many worry that they have come to bank far too intemperately on the 75-year-old leader. They fear that his eventual death would profoundly hurt the cause of the Tibetans in exile. "The institution of the Dalai Lama is one of Tibet's big strengths," says monk Lobsang Chonzin. "At the same time, it's our weakness because all of us are dependent on him." What would happen to the movement when the Dalai Lama passes away?
Tibetans in exile widely anticipate that when the fourteenth Dalai Lama dies, the Chinese will push their own reincarnation. They see the instance of the Panchen Lama, Tibet's second highest-ranking religious name, as a prologue. In 1995, the Dalai Lama accepted a six-year-old boy in Tibet as the successor to the 10th Panchen Lama, who died in 1989. China confined the boy and chose another in his place. The Dalai Lama's choice and his family have not been seen since. The Dalai Lama's death will thus lead to two centres of power. The movement in its present form will end up losing its meaning.
When the Dalai Lama fled Tibet, he was accompanied by about 100,000 of Tibetans, most of whom did not doubt his determination to engage in a non-violent crusade. A few Tibetans took part in a guerrilla operation backed by the CIA until financial support dried up and they were booted out of Nepal in 1974.
Most Tibetan exiles today still revere the Dalai Lama as their spiritual leader but a section wants a more radical approach to be adopted. The latter group is turning increasingly vocal. Young Tibetan exiles — most of whom were born outside their homeland — openly vent their impatience with the Dalai Lama’s "middle way".
But this movement will need much more than enthusiasm to sustain it. And that is where Tsewang Rigzin and his Tibetan Youth Congress come in. The Tibetan Youth Congress, which was started in the early 1970s and claims close to 40,000 active members today, has suggested violence in the past, argues for hunger strikes and other forms of protestation not condoned by the Dalai Lama and reserves the right to use force in the future.
"We want to look at things that his Holiness has enforced, his policy called the Middle Way, and it's been in place for the last almost three decades now. There has been little interaction. We had dialogues with Chinese officials. But the bottomline is that nothing has come out of all this. We need to change that," says Rigzin, dressed in a primly cut suit. He advocates outright independence for Tibet.
Critics maintain that these groups play into the hands of the Chinese government but the radicals respond that Tibetans have little to lose. But how has it affected the relationship with the locals with whom they had little or no interaction for fear of getting assimilated? The Tibetan refugees live in relative isolation to conserve their distinct religion and culture.
Lately, they have been facing a degree of subterranean hostility, because local people have developed a certain antipathy. The demographic and cultural wallop of refugees has led to a sense of vulnerability among the indigenous populace here.
The strain could be seen everywhere. As one local restaurateur told me on seeing my camera and Dictaphone, "Purane log sab wadiya thhey. Ab nawe munde to kattar hain..." (The oldies were gentlemen, these new kids are fundamentalists.)
But the question is, are the Chinese feeling the heat? Oh yes. The Tibet protest prior to the Beijing Olympics caught them by surprise. Also, the global support that the movement got rattled them to the core. They came back with the iron hand, something they cannot afford to employ for too long in a globalised world.
"We have used Facebook and Twitter as our weapon. The potential of these sites is unlimited. It is so easy to connect with Tibetans these days. Our call for protest suddenly has a world audience," beams Rigzin. But will the ministry of external affairs like their involvement. It has tolerated the Dalai Lama because some way or other he has toed its official position of 'One China'. A reckless youth movement can slip out of its hands and might prove to be a headache. But Rigzin is not concerned. "Our slogan is 'Free Tibet, Safe India'. After all it was after the annexation of Tibet that the Chinese managed to invade India," argues Rigzin. Clearly, he knows how to play. If you believe him, he has had his share of successes too.
Rigzin and his group have started interacting with Non Resident Chinese and indulge in healthy debates. "Initially it is very difficult to break them. But slowly, they have started to see reason," he quips. This has helped enhance his optimism. Quiz him about taking on an emerging superpower and Rigzin comes across as an eternal optimist. He believes that China will get democratised one day and a democratic China will be more accommodating of Tibetan aspirations.
But difficult times lie ahead. After the Dalai Lama, the unanimous world support will waver. Many organisations and individuals who support the Dalai Lama's peaceful struggle might find Rigzin's methods too unorthodox. And, as it happens with many causes, the two wings of the movement — fundamentalist and pacifist — will begin to work at cross-purposes. It would be interesting to see how Rigzin takes his movement out of this dichotomy.
He also needs to take the movement out of the hands of the foreign flock that who merely pays lip service to the cause. People who really care are quietly doing their bit. There is no sight as revolting as an Israeli army conscript fresh from his barracks and high on Manali hashish, speaking about "oppression" and "human rights violations". Trust me.
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
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Saurabh Kumar Shahi visits McLeodganj to check out the simmering powder keg that threatens the Dalai Lama's 'middle path'
The first thing that strikes you in McLeodganj is the absence of anarchy. Nattily dressed Tibetan youth go about their work. There is no apparent abject poverty, no running open drains. Why then were we looking for McLeodganj in the first place? Well, simply because it is the foremost phenomenon that defines a refugee settlement. I have seen scores of refugee camps of all types and sizes all over the world — Palestinians, Kashmiris, Bangaldeshi Biharis, Chakmas, Rohingyas and what not. There are of course a few similarities among these camps. However if there is one commonality: anarchy. But unlike them, McLeodganj does not fester. Or at least does not appear to fester. But does that mean all is well? We'll see.
Sometime in 2005, on a chilly Tibetan night, Jamyang and his best friend entered Lhasa after days of journeying from Ngari province. They were desperate to get to Dharamsala. Meeting the Dalai Lama was the only motive in their life. Jamyang and his friend covered the inhospitable terrain in 48 days and reached Nepal. A week later they were in Dharamsala to see their beloved spiritual leader. They were promptly enrolled in the classes and their spiritual and worldly studies began.
Half a decade on, sitting in a roadside tea joint near Bhagsu temple, Jamyang remembers the arduous journey that almost took his life. He has all the time in the world for me. He dropped out of school months ago and now lives by his wits. Jobs are extremely hard to come by in the absence of local language proficiency and a defined skill-set. And he can't go back to Tibet. For all practical purposes, he is stuck here.
Does he buy Dalai Lama's "middle path" solution? Yes, but only when he is sober enough. With Manali hash easy to find, chances of his being sober have diminished drastically. As it transpires, Mcleodganj too festers. You just need to scratch a tad.
A cursory survey is enough to reveal that the majority of the population here is made up of youth. With the advent of education, the birth rate has gone down drastically. But still the youth outnumber all other age segments quite easily. Literacy is close to 80 per cent and unemployment is 75 per cent. The place is a veritable powder keg. But it has not exploded. It appears that the Dalai Lama's "middle path" still has many takers. But does that mean that the movement will continue to be as it is? No. We have new voices.
Karma Yeshi, an MP in the Tibetan Parliament-in-exile who also runs the Voice of Tibet radio station, is one such voice. He abhors pity and speaks his mind too often for the comfort of others. "There is a lack of guidance as far as the job market is concerned. Only rallies won’t do." He suggests several ways to change the movement. Many of these are reasonable. "Do we have a single Tibetan expert here who has done higher studies in Chinese diplomacy or UN diplomacy? None. How do we expect to have our voices heard? Where is the intellectual capital?" he asks.
People like Yeshi and others worry about the future of the movement. While Tibetans idolise and revere the Dalai Lama, many worry that they have come to bank far too intemperately on the 75-year-old leader. They fear that his eventual death would profoundly hurt the cause of the Tibetans in exile. "The institution of the Dalai Lama is one of Tibet's big strengths," says monk Lobsang Chonzin. "At the same time, it's our weakness because all of us are dependent on him." What would happen to the movement when the Dalai Lama passes away?
Tibetans in exile widely anticipate that when the fourteenth Dalai Lama dies, the Chinese will push their own reincarnation. They see the instance of the Panchen Lama, Tibet's second highest-ranking religious name, as a prologue. In 1995, the Dalai Lama accepted a six-year-old boy in Tibet as the successor to the 10th Panchen Lama, who died in 1989. China confined the boy and chose another in his place. The Dalai Lama's choice and his family have not been seen since. The Dalai Lama's death will thus lead to two centres of power. The movement in its present form will end up losing its meaning.
When the Dalai Lama fled Tibet, he was accompanied by about 100,000 of Tibetans, most of whom did not doubt his determination to engage in a non-violent crusade. A few Tibetans took part in a guerrilla operation backed by the CIA until financial support dried up and they were booted out of Nepal in 1974.
Most Tibetan exiles today still revere the Dalai Lama as their spiritual leader but a section wants a more radical approach to be adopted. The latter group is turning increasingly vocal. Young Tibetan exiles — most of whom were born outside their homeland — openly vent their impatience with the Dalai Lama’s "middle way".
But this movement will need much more than enthusiasm to sustain it. And that is where Tsewang Rigzin and his Tibetan Youth Congress come in. The Tibetan Youth Congress, which was started in the early 1970s and claims close to 40,000 active members today, has suggested violence in the past, argues for hunger strikes and other forms of protestation not condoned by the Dalai Lama and reserves the right to use force in the future.
"We want to look at things that his Holiness has enforced, his policy called the Middle Way, and it's been in place for the last almost three decades now. There has been little interaction. We had dialogues with Chinese officials. But the bottomline is that nothing has come out of all this. We need to change that," says Rigzin, dressed in a primly cut suit. He advocates outright independence for Tibet.
Critics maintain that these groups play into the hands of the Chinese government but the radicals respond that Tibetans have little to lose. But how has it affected the relationship with the locals with whom they had little or no interaction for fear of getting assimilated? The Tibetan refugees live in relative isolation to conserve their distinct religion and culture.
Lately, they have been facing a degree of subterranean hostility, because local people have developed a certain antipathy. The demographic and cultural wallop of refugees has led to a sense of vulnerability among the indigenous populace here.
The strain could be seen everywhere. As one local restaurateur told me on seeing my camera and Dictaphone, "Purane log sab wadiya thhey. Ab nawe munde to kattar hain..." (The oldies were gentlemen, these new kids are fundamentalists.)
But the question is, are the Chinese feeling the heat? Oh yes. The Tibet protest prior to the Beijing Olympics caught them by surprise. Also, the global support that the movement got rattled them to the core. They came back with the iron hand, something they cannot afford to employ for too long in a globalised world.
"We have used Facebook and Twitter as our weapon. The potential of these sites is unlimited. It is so easy to connect with Tibetans these days. Our call for protest suddenly has a world audience," beams Rigzin. But will the ministry of external affairs like their involvement. It has tolerated the Dalai Lama because some way or other he has toed its official position of 'One China'. A reckless youth movement can slip out of its hands and might prove to be a headache. But Rigzin is not concerned. "Our slogan is 'Free Tibet, Safe India'. After all it was after the annexation of Tibet that the Chinese managed to invade India," argues Rigzin. Clearly, he knows how to play. If you believe him, he has had his share of successes too.
Rigzin and his group have started interacting with Non Resident Chinese and indulge in healthy debates. "Initially it is very difficult to break them. But slowly, they have started to see reason," he quips. This has helped enhance his optimism. Quiz him about taking on an emerging superpower and Rigzin comes across as an eternal optimist. He believes that China will get democratised one day and a democratic China will be more accommodating of Tibetan aspirations.
But difficult times lie ahead. After the Dalai Lama, the unanimous world support will waver. Many organisations and individuals who support the Dalai Lama's peaceful struggle might find Rigzin's methods too unorthodox. And, as it happens with many causes, the two wings of the movement — fundamentalist and pacifist — will begin to work at cross-purposes. It would be interesting to see how Rigzin takes his movement out of this dichotomy.
He also needs to take the movement out of the hands of the foreign flock that who merely pays lip service to the cause. People who really care are quietly doing their bit. There is no sight as revolting as an Israeli army conscript fresh from his barracks and high on Manali hashish, speaking about "oppression" and "human rights violations". Trust me.
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
Management Guru Arindam Chaudhuri Dean Business School IIPM
IIPM Excom Prof Rajita Chaudhuri
Kapil Sibal’s voters want Jan Lokpal, not Government-proposed Lokpal Bill
IIPM: What is E-PAT?
IIPM RANKED NO.1 in MAIL TODAY B-SCHOOL RANKINGS
'Thorns to Competition' - You can order your copy online from here
IIPM ranks No 1 in International Exposure in the 'Third Mail Today B-School Survey'
IIPM, GURGAON
